Since beginning his second term, President Donald Trump's administration has imposed or rescinded Treasury Department sanctions on foreigners in ways that former State Department officials say diverge from historical precedent and the programs' original intent.
The Treasury Department has sanctioned foreign leaders after they criticized U.S. actions or ruled against Trump's political allies. The administration has also lifted sanctions on individuals with perceived personal loyalty to Trump, despite a lack of clear evidence they changed their behavior.
In March, after Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez condemned U.S. attacks on Iran as a violation of international law, Trump said he directed Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to 'cut off all dealings with Spain.' Spanish officials said using the Treasury to target Spain would affect the entire European Union.
In February, shortly after Trump took office and after the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the Treasury Department began sanctioning ICC judges and prosecutors. By December, 11 staffers had been sanctioned. No other U.S. president has sanctioned ICC employees except Trump during his first term in 2020.
In July, the Treasury Department sanctioned U.N. human rights official Francesca Albanese, who was investigating human rights abuses in the Palestinian territories and had characterized Israeli actions as genocide. Albanese filed a lawsuit in February 2026 arguing her constitutional rights were violated.
What the Right Is Saying
The Trump administration has defended its sanctions as protecting American interests and holding foreign officials accountable for abuses.
Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Justice Alexandre de Moraes was responsible for 'an oppressive campaign of censorship, arbitrary detentions that violate human rights, and politicized prosecutions — including against former President Jair Bolsonaro.'
Regarding Colombia's President Gustavo Petro, the Treasury Department stated he was sanctioned for 'international proliferation of illicit drugs or their means of production.'
The administration has also pointed to a broader 'America First' foreign policy approach. Trump's stated rationale for targeting Spain was protecting U.S. interests, and his endorsement of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán reflected his preference for leaders aligned with his administration.
Supporters argue the president has broad authority over foreign sanctions and that previous administrations also used sanctions for political objectives.
What the Left Is Saying
Democratic lawmakers and former U.S. diplomats have criticized the administration's use of sanctions as a tool for political retribution rather than national security.
Senators Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), Tim Kaine (D-Va.) and Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) issued a joint statement condemning sanctions on Brazilian Justice Alexandre de Moraes: 'These actions fly in the face of the spirit and purpose of the Global Magnitsky Act, and send a signal that America's commitment to fighting corruption hinges on political winds.'
Former U.S. ambassador to Hungary David Pressman, who served in the Biden administration, said: 'It's supposed to operate independent of personal interests, and it's supposed to reinforce our strategic interests, not advance personal vendettas.'
Richard Nephew, former anti-corruption coordinator at the State Department, said: 'The whole scenario is quite mad... it is pretty obvious that this is political retribution rather than a serious use of sanctions tools for behavior modification purposes.'
Former Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew, who led the department under Obama, said sanctions historically required 'irreproachable' facts as the basis for designation.
What the Numbers Show
The U.S. currently maintains 37 official sanctions programs. The Treasury Department has added foreigners to the Specially Designated Nationals list, blocking their assets within U.S. jurisdiction and restricting their access to American financial services.
The administration sanctioned 11 ICC staffers between February and December 2025, marking the first time since 2020 that any U.S. president sanctioned court employees.
In December, the Treasury Department lifted sanctions on Justice de Moraes and his wife. However, ICC members, President Petro, and Francesca Albanese remain on the sanctions list.
Antal Rogán, Hungary's cabinet chief, was sanctioned by the Biden administration in January 2025 for political corruption. His sanctions were removed three months later, in April 2025.
Horacio Cartes, former President of Paraguay, was delisted in October 2025 despite the Treasury Department's 2023 allegations linking him to Hezbollah and bribery. He had not demonstrated clear behavioral change when removed, according to former U.S. Ambassador Marc Ostfield.
Milorad Dodik, former President of Republika Srpska, was removed from the sanctions list in October 2025. He posted photos in February 2026 of a meeting with White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt inside the White House.
The Bottom Line
The Trump administration's approach to foreign sanctions has departed from historical norms established across Democratic and Republican administrations. Former diplomats say using sanctions against political critics while removing restrictions on allies who have not demonstrably changed their behavior undermines the credibility of American foreign policy.
The ICC called the sanctions on its judges 'a flagrant attack against the independence of an impartial judicial institution.' Colombia's President Petro called the sanctions on him 'an arbitrary act typical of an oppressive regime.'
What to watch: Whether Congress pursues oversight of the Treasury Department's sanctioning process, and whether additional foreign officials face designation for criticizing U.S. policy. The administration has shown willingness to use financial tools as diplomatic leverage, a practice former diplomats say risks eroding the non-partisan foundation of American sanctions policy.